Gender and Sexuality Barriers in Healthcare

Gender and Sexuality Barriers in Healthcare â€Å"Vancouver School Board Introduces Gender-Neutral Pronouns† – and many similar headlines spanned across website pages and swept newspapers stands just this past summer, surely an indication of progressive politics in action for the queer people of Vancouver. In this case, giving non-binary and gender-neutral identifying students in Vancouver a chance to use gender-neutral pronouns – pronouns that do not make assumptions about a person’s gender. No longer are they stuck having their identities ignored at school: they can be recognized and respected in official records for who they are. This recent event demonstrates how the social barriers that complicate the lives of queer people are disintegrating; however to me, it begs the question: are the same barriers disintegrating within the workplace? Or are they still present and as strong as ever? The barriers in question being a situation or event in which a non-binary gender (transgender) identified indiv idual is treated differently to a non-transgender individual, or if the same discrimination applies to someone because of their sexual preferences (sexuality). It is also important to understand the definition of â€Å"queer† and the false negative connotation that society associates with the word. The negativity stems from its original meaning of â€Å"bizarre†, â€Å"strange†, or â€Å"outlandish†; however, the word has evolved over time to now define and encompass people within the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) community. In its essence, the evolution of the word is parallel to societies’ attitudes towards queer individuals – changing rapidly for a virtuous cause. Not only is the discrimination being experienced by queer people unethical, disrespectful, and wrong, but these barriers that Eliason et al., Brewster et al., and others have proven to exist through their research must be preventing a whole range of studies and fields of research from progressing as lawyers, scientists, doctors, and more are not hired solely based on their gender or sexuality (Eliason et al., 1365). It is also evident that many queer people will in fact leave their work place because of the discrimination, or even be fired because of higher management discovering their sexuality or gender (Eliason et al., 1365). In an effort to diminish these clearly existing barriers, the most prominent ones in the field of healthcare will be researched and discussed: What do scholars suggest are some of the key gender and sexuality barriers that exist within healthcare, and prevent others from entering healthcare in 21st century North America? Beginning with gender barriers that queer patients face inside the field itself, it is clear that physicians are less comfortable working with male-to-female (MTF) and female-to-male (FTM) transgender individuals than lesbian, bisexual, or gay (LGB) individuals, based on Eliason et al.’s research in 2011. The study spanned 45% of LGBT physicians in the Gay and Lesbian Medical Association and a select number of heterosexual, non-transgender physicians in the American Medical Association (AMM). Of the male physicians in the AMM, only 65% felt comfortable working with MTF patients, and 64% felt comfortable working with FTM patients (Eliason et al., 1363). The female physicians in the AMM came in with slightly elevated numbers: 66% felt comfortable working with MTF patients, and 69% felt comfortable working with FTM patients (Eliason et al., 1363). These numbers are relatively low when compared to comfortableness levels of physicians working with LGB patients. This can generally b e expected, as society has had more time to grow accustomed to LGB individuals, and thus most physicians are more comfortable when practicing with LGB patients, with an average comfortableness rate of 92%, 93.5%, and 91.25%, respectively (Eliason et al., 1363). A physician’s uncomfortableness levels with MTF and FTM patients can be related to unacceptable behaviour such as denying of patient referrals and accusation of â€Å"unethical behaviour† (Eliason et al., 1365). Non-conventional gender and transgender ideals â€Å"[†¦] challenge prevailing social conventions regarding the expression of gender [†¦]†, according to Brewster et al., who quoted Fassinger and Arsenau in their 2007 study, and are very new to not only the healthcare workplace, but society in general (61). However, according to Eliason et al., queer discomfort with patients stems from not only general unease due to differing societal norms, but the lack of LGBT education within medical s chools across the United States. Their study finds that some students are only exposed to as little as one hour of transgender health studies across their whole time spent at medical school. Of which, 56% of the students described the little time they had as â€Å"unhelpful†, whereas 76% of the students said that their own â€Å"personal experience working with LGBT patients† was very helpful (Eliason et al., 1362). Based on this research, these personal experiences should be cultivated in medical school in order to prepare students for facing real life experiences with LGBT patients when they proceed to become a physician. Even after stepping out of the healthcare work environment and looking at entrance to the field of healthcare as an LGB individual, it is apparent that sexuality barriers of entry to healthcare exist during even the earliest stages of education. 15% of students in Merchant’s, Jongco’s, and Artemio’s study were found not to disclose their sexuality during admission interviews to medical school because they felt that they would not be admitted if they did (786). Another 17% of students did not disclose their sexuality because they felt uncomfortable in the interview environment (Merchant, Jongco, Artemio, 786). Based on this evidence, one can extrapolate that a medical school which openly advertises LGBT support and education would essentially disintegrate these problems of interview admission, and also help bridge the apparent â€Å"not at all comfortable† gap between physicians and LGBT patients (Eliason et al., 1363). In the bigger picture, a student†™s sexuality is of no concern to any admission advisor of any school; students are not admitted, or should have their admission affected by their sexuality or gender identification. Additionally, from an objective point of view, if a medical school were to publicly advertise their openness and accepting nature of LGBT students, they would have more students apply and thus gain popularity, as LGBT students will seek out education in environments in which they are accepted and respected. This is evident in Merchant’s, Jongco’s, and Artemio’s study, which displays a drastic increase in the number of students willing to disclose their sexuality when applying for university residence, as they are aware of the university in question’s advertised â€Å"affirming environment†, and that there is no consequence for admitting so (787). Even after graduating medical school, LGBT physician’s work environments do not seem to improve in any notable fashion. Common experiences amongst colleagues in the workplace consist of 65% of LGBT individuals recall hearing â€Å"disparaging remarks†, 22% feeling â€Å"socially ostracized†, and 15% being harassed by their fellow coworkers (Eliason et al., 1365). General psychology agrees that this discrimination is mostly due to the simple human nature of pushing away things that do not fit the sociological norm. Conversely, Brewster et al. present an alternative view on the source of workplace discomfort with LGBT individuals; describing the workplace relationships as being built from â€Å"lower job satisfaction and higher anxiety†, using Lyons et al.’s, Smith Ingram’s, and Waldo’s research to prove their point (61). Although almost all researchers agree that the negativity towards LGBT patients, LGBT physicians in the workplace, and LGBT students is decreasing, there is a common consensus among gender and sexuality researchers that it is difficult to measure the rate of change in negativity (Burke, White, 61; Eliason et al., 1366). The difficulty arises from having simply too small of a sample size for conducting research at regular intervals of time. Burke and White argue that LGB individuals comprise of roughly 3% of the population (a very â€Å"conservative estimate†), and that if these proportions apply to the healthcare field, there would only be 20,000 LGB physicians across the country (61). And of course, not all of these physicians would be willing to participate in a study. This limits a research essay to only having a select few studies available for analysis. Another limitation that exists within queer research is the fact that gender-variant and differing sexualities are very new, and thus have had less time to be observed and addressed. However, as society becomes more accepting over the course of time in the workplace, the barriers of gender and sexuality to healthcare should shatter to give rise to acceptance, and research will hopefully not be in need at all. Works Cited Eliason, Michele J., Suzanne L. Dibble, and Patricia A. Robertson. Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) Physicians Experiences in the Workplace. Journal of Homosexuality 58.10 (2011): 1355-371. LGBT Life with Full Text. Web. 17 Nov. 2014. Brewster, Melanie E., Velez Brandon, DeBlaere Cirleen, and Moradi Bonnie. Transgender Individuals Workplace Experiences: The Applicability of Sexual Minority Measures and Models. Journal of Counseling Pyschology 59 (2012): 60-70. PsycARTICLES. Web. 17 Nov. 2014. Burke, Brian. P., White, Jocelyn C. The Well-being of Gay, Lesbian, and Bisexual Physicians. Western Journal of Medicine 174.1 (2001): 59-62. Web. 17 Nov. 2014. Merchant, Roland C., Artemio M. Jongco, and Luke Woodward. Disclosure of Sexual Orientation by Medical Students and Residency Applicants. Academic Medicine 80.8 (2005): 786. PsycINFO. Web. 17 Nov. 2014.

An Analysis of PepsiCo and Coca-cola Essay -- Business Analysis

Since the mid 1980’s many of us have become familiar with the terms â€Å"the Cola Wars† (Wikipedia, 2010). Coca Cola and Pepsi have been the two largest soft drink competitors in the world for quite some time now. What makes these companies successful? What gives them the retention to prosper for years across the globe? For this project I analyzed the financial statements from 2003 through 2005 of both companies to gain insight as to these questions and others. By reviewing and then analyzing the data it becomes visible that these two companies are still standing strong in a market that is still dominated only by each other. To begin we will examine three ratios for each company. The first ratio is a liquidity ratio. Liquidity focuses on the reliability or availability of a borrower to pay back the loan they borrowed. A common liquidity metric is ccurrent ratio. Current ratio measures a company’s ability to pay back short term obligations or debts. We get this calculation by taking the current assets and dividing by current liabilities. For instance, PepsiCo’s current ratio is equivalent to current assets in 2005 (10,454) divided by current liabilities in 2005(9,406) which equals 1.11:1. Their current ratio in 2004 was 1:28:1. (Current assets for 2004/current liabilities for 2004; 8639/6752). Coca Cola’s current ratio for 2005 was taken by computing their current assets for 2005 (10,250) and divided by the current 2005 liabilities 99836) which equaled a ratio of 1.04:1. In 2004 Coca’ Cola’s current ratio was equal to current assets for 2004 of 12,281 divide d by current liabilities for 2004 of 11, 133, which totaled 1.10:1. What this means is that for every dollar of current liabilities, Coca Cola has $1.04 of ... ...ges and soft drinks. They have ventured out to non carbonated beverages like iced tea and juices but now need to move into the food market space. My final recommendation for Coca cola is to stay with their product. One of the biggest setbacks for Coca Cola occurred when they introduced their â€Å"new coke† in the 1990’s. (Wikipedia, 2010) This new formula did not go over well with their consumers and they were forced to quickly stop the new Coke production. In conclusion I think both companies are stable and strong. Obviously both companies are able to compete globally which in and of itself says an awful lot. Each company has its strengths and minor weaknesses but their overall financial success has been proven. Their ability to remain the only two competitors amongst their carbonated beverage industry is a strong indicator of their future potential.

Illegal Drug Control

Those questions are addressed in this report which reviews drug ppolicy and results in Australia. In 1998, United Nations Member States met in a Special Session of the General Assembly and agreed to take tougher action to reduce both the illicit supply of, and the demand for, drugs before 2008. Australia has taken that pledge seriously. In 1998 it introduced a â€Å"Tough on Drugs Strategy† that aims to reduce drug supply, trafficking, and demand as well as the harm caused by drugs. This Strategy seems to be working: drug use levels have dropped significantly. Indeed, the turn around has been dramatic.To improve global efforts to contain the threat posed by drugs, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) seeks to increase the body of knowledge available to ppolicy makers. That includes collecting success stories. If Australia continues to build on its recent progress, it too could become a success story and provide inspiration and valuable lessons for other countri es. This report, following a ssimilar UNODC study of Sweden’s drug ppolicy (2006), aims to contribute to a growing body of evidence that will help countries bring their drug problems under control.Antonio Maria Costa Executive Director United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime 3 In response to increases in drug abuse in the 1990’s Australia implemented a vigilant drug control strategy. As this report makes clear, drug control has long been a priority of recent Governments and effective changes in recent years were due to pro-active, empirically-based drug control strategy, and a well developed system of services at the state and local levels. This report analyses the developments and changes in Australia’s drug policies over the last decades and their impact.Australia implemented a rather repressive drug control ppolicy from the beginning of the 20th century. This worked well until the 1970s. Australia shifted to harm-reduction approaches as of the mid 1980s, wit h a sthrong emphasis on prevention and treatment. This helped Australia to avoid a large-scale injecting drug use (IDU) related HIV/AIDS epidemic. In contrast to alcohol and tobacco where Australia achieved remarkable demand reduction through prevention activities, drug abuse continued rising and reached alarming levels by 1998.In 1998 Australia introduced a National Illicit Drugs Strategy â€Å"Tough on Drugs† which strengthened the supply control aspects without weakening demand-side interventions or giving up harm-reduction approaches. In the case of heroin, the strategy focused clearly on a reduction of supply. There followed higher heroin prices, lower heroin purity and ultimately substantially lower levels of heroin consumption. Drug related deaths declined, as well as drug related crime.WHICH OF THE FOLLOWING PROVIDES THE CLEAREST INDICATION OF A DRUG ADDICTION?Answer at this question at  https://donemyessay.com/unit-5-review/Use of other drugs also declined, both am ong the general population and among secondary school sstudents- mainly due to improved prevention and treatment activities and more funds made available by the authorities to drug control in general. The Australian National Council on Drugs (ANCD) incorporated many of the leading drug experts of the country and strengthened calls for higher budgets in the fight against the drug problem. Australia's drug ppolicy has been based on a broad ppolicy mix of supply reduction, demand reduction and harm minimisation policies. In addition, Australia has made commendable efforts at advancing the knowledge base for policy making. The country has consistently conducted in-depth research and evaluations of its various strategies and programmes – subsequently adjusting them according to efficacy. This concentration on empirically-based ppolicy formulation continues to demonstrate positive results. The drug ppolicy was largely bi-partisan in nature as the States as well as the federal Gover nment participated in its formulation and implementation (Until recently, the individual States were governed by different political parties than federal Australia). A new Australian Government, elected in late 2007, is yet to leave its mark on domestic drug strategies.

Poverty in America Essay - 1197 Words

Everyone knows what the word poverty means. It means poor, unable to buy the necessities to survive in todays world. We do not realize how easy it is for a person to fall into poverty: A lost job, a sudden illness, a death in the family or the endless cycle of being born into poverty and not knowing how to overcome it. There are so many children in poverty and a familys structure can effect the outcome. Most of the people who are at the poverty level need some type of help to overcome the obstacles. There are mane issues that deal with poverty and many things that can be done to stop it. The Federal Government defines poverty as income that falls below the United States Poverty threshold. (Begun 95). If a person†¦show more content†¦In 1935 the government started the Social Security Act which gave workers benefits if they were fired or forced to quit their job. It also gave benefits to disabled workers.(Cooper 978 In the 1990s America saw more poverty than ever before . The increase in the manufacturing business helped by creating more jobs for workers. These workers then received benefits from working.(Cooper 981). The lowest level of poverty was recorded in 1973 with only 11.1 percent of America living at or below the poverty line. In America at that time there were twenty-three million people falling into this category. Today there are still about thirty-six million people considered poor. This is almost fourteen percent of the population. The big cities saw a bigger decline also. Nebraska was one of thirteen states in 1995 that had poverty rates below ten percent. The majority of the nation except Hawaii and Idaho, had falling poverty rates. The United States as a whole had a poverty rate of about 13.8 percent in 1995.(Poverty Rates 8). There are four types of poverty. The four main types of poverty are class, regional, cyclical and case. The types of poverty are different with everyone who is considered poor. 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